Geo-politically, marginalizing Europe will also come at a cost. The small peninsula is well sited for American needs. Forward-based radar makes it easier to counteract missiles lobbed by Russia or Iran. Military bases allow the world’s mightiest armed forces to operate in the Middle East and Africa. Having Europe onside helps project power in other ways. Sanctions work best when both sides of the Atlantic join in. By accepting the global supremacy of the dollar, Europeans leave themselves little choice but to enforce America’s boycotts, even when they disagree. Push too hard and they may try to free themselves from that, too.
But Europe’s greatest value to its transatlantic ally is as a legitimacy engine. Once home to the original winners of globalization, the Old Continent has come to accept American hegemony. With Europe in tow, American preferences were transmuted into those of “the West”, or indeed into global norms. Key bits of the international system, from the IMF, the World Bank and even the United Nations, were in effect Euro-American joint ventures. Being the kingpin of an international liberal order may not interest Mr Trump, but it has helped project American heft to places where it might not otherwise reach. Today that may not seem to matter much to Americans. But one day it will, and America may rue the casual way in which it alienated its loyal second fiddle.
To some the idea of a transatlantic “free world” seems outdated. But if the 20th century saw Europe passing the baton of global dominance to America, the 21st will be shaped by America’s contest with China. Europe is almost sure to back even an unreliable democratic ally over an expansionist autocracy. But being endlessly demeaned makes Europeans hesitate over how earnestly to take sides. Americans should think that over before hurling their next volley of insults.
The Economist: Why America still needs Europe